Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography

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Deng then joined the Red Army during the first civil war against the Guomindang. In the late s and s, Deng continued his political work in the Red Army during the War of Resistance against Japan and the second civil war against the Guomindang. Deng was named to several important posts in the new People's Republic after Amid growing disenchantment with Mao's Great Leap Forward, Deng and Liu gained influence within the CPC when, in the early s, they directed successful economic reforms.

When Mao launched the Cultural Revolution in , Deng was purged and sent to work in the countryside. Premier Zhou Enlai was able to convince Mao to bring Deng Xiaoping back into politics in as First Deputy Premier, in practice running daily affairs. But after Zhou's death in January , Maoists purged Deng once again. Following Mao's death later in , Deng was able to outmaneuver Mao's anointed successor, Hua Guofeng, and consolidate his control of the CPC in the late s. Even while consolidating his political power, Deng initiated a "reform and opening" policy that sparked an industrial revolution in China.

Deng is characterized as a "committed communist" with a pragmatic view, who would like to bring forth China's modernization through the "organizational" rather than "ideological" leadership of the Communist party. Recommended for academic libraries. Mark Meng, St. John's Univ. Convert currency. Add to Basket. Book Description Routledge. Condition: New. Seller Inventory NEW More information about this seller Contact this seller.

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Communists, Nationalists, and China's Revolutions: Crash Course World History #37

Language: English. Brand new Book. First published in Seller Inventory AAV Book Description Routledge, New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since On paper at least the results were phenomenal and the Great Leap Forward in irrigation rapidly became a general economic Great Leap Forward. Backyard steel furnaces were started up everywhere. It was even claimed that communism— classless society—was literally just around the corner. Amongst all the other heresies, this was of course the one that annoyed the CPSU the most as relations worsened between the two parties, because as the first communist party state it assumed it would necessarily establish communism first.

By it became clear to some within the CCP that all was not well. Partly as a result, the Great Leap Forward dragged on for another year but by the end of the economic situation was so critical that the CCP had no choice but to call a halt. Mao withdrew from the daily routine of government which he left to the head of state, Liu Shaoqi, the prime minister, Zhou Enlai, and Deng.

In the aftermath, the leadership of the CCP differed between those who, like Mao, believed the strategy correct but flawed in its implementation and others, notably Liu and Deng, who now believed the strategy to have been a disaster and unrepeatable. At the same time, the full emergence of the Sino-Soviet split left China isolated internationally.

Mao, however, had not abandoned his ideas. It is even possible that he really did increasingly feel, as he later said during the Cultural Revolution, that he had been pushed out of political power. This, if over-simplified, was the essential background to the Cultural Revolution which Mao launched in Mao turned for his support in launching the Cultural Revolution initially to a small group within the leadership, including his wife, Jiang Qing; to the Red Guards, groups of politicized students; and to the PLA under the then Minister of Defence, Lin Biao.

The Red Guards in particular were encouraged to overthrow all authority, to attack their teachers and almost all intellectuals, who were now criticized as the harbingers of counter-revolutionary values. In its first assaults the Cultural Revolution was wildly successful.

The result was near chaos, with order being maintained, where it was, by the PLA which consequently came to play a crucial political role in the unfolding of the Cultural Revolution. It is unlikely that the outside world will ever know the true story of the Lin Biao affair, or even where and when he died. In particular, it became clear that there was a shortage of senior political and administrative ability to run China. The party and state had been purged during —8; the PLA was being gradually returned to the barracks.

Against the opposition of radical members of the CCP, more moderate leaders such as Zhou Enlai managed to have some of the victims of the Cultural Revolution restored to office. In one of these, and certainly the most significant, was Deng Xiaoping. On the one hand, there were radicals, who emphasized political goals and wanted to maintain what they saw as the achievements of the Cultural Revolution, not least because that was their source of political power and Deng Xiaoping, communism and revolution 15 authority.

On the other, there were those, notably Zhou Enlai and Deng, who stressed the need for economic modernization as a prerequisite for reaching the political goals of the CCP. In January Zhou died and criticism of Deng came to a climax. The way was paved for Deng to return to office, for a reversal of the Cultural Revolution, and for a determined drive to economic modernization.

Faced with this apparent enigma, some have tried to argue that Deng was more an administrator than a politician, able and willing to work with almost anyone. He is a fixer, an organizer, and a reformer. An obvious starting point, and an important characteristic of leadership conflicts and their resolution within the CCP, is that purges in China have not necessarily carried the same connotation of blood and death that Stalin bequeathed to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

Though this changed somewhat under Mao, the belief was always that leaders could be re-educated to see the error of their ways. Whether entirely for this reason or not, it is clear that in the history of the PRC it has been relatively common for former leading cadres of the CCP, the state administration, and the PLA who have fallen into disgrace to be recycled. By the end of a considerable proportion of the leadership of the political hierarchy that had been in office on the eve of the Cultural Revolution and which had been purged during —8 had regained at least equivalent positions of seniority.

During those years the political line adopted by the CCP changed on average every four or five-years. With each change came not only new policies, but also fresh organizational structures and personnel changes. However, the revolutionary generation which had fought together and won power in only relinquished its hold on the political system in when both biological and political factors became urgent considerations. Before that later date leadership changes incorporated few younger people, or those generally with different backgrounds and experiences.

When the CCP achieved power its leaders were, in international as well as in Chinese terms, relatively young to be national leaders. Mao, for example, one of the eldest, was still only 54; Deng was Consequently there was no need initially for them to train successors and there was no planned layering of potential leadership generations.

By the time of the Cultural Revolution, some seventeen years later, though there may have been an urgent need for successors, as Mao made plain, the issue became submerged in the wider conflict of the Cultural Revolution which, apart from anything else, delayed a solution still further. A further explanation lies in the nature of factions and factionalism within the CCP.

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Individuals come together to provide mutual protection and assistance. Factional alignments may result from loyalty ties, career background, institutional affiliation, friendship, ideological perspective, attitudes to specific policy issues or personality. Consensus and unity, rather than the divisions often associated with factions, are most definitely the order of the day for both traditional and contemporary reasons. The CCP has inherited a considerable portion of traditional Chinese political culture, not least that which emphasizes to a degree almost unimaginable in the West the requirement to maintain harmony.

Politics have therefore been both extremely conservative and brittle. Within the leadership there is an in-built tendency to maintain the Deng Xiaoping, communism and revolution 17 status quo. Normally change is introduced experimentally and incrementally, in ways which may subtly pressure the leadership without seeming to threaten the balance of power.

However, dramatic, sudden and more wide-ranging change also occurs, not least when changes in the environment—for example, a major socio-economic problem, a perceived external threat—or changes in the leadership itself, through death or illness, force a decision on the leadership and trigger rapid factional re-alignments. Both represented the rejection, at least temporarily, of his political vision. Indeed, ideology has quite clearly never been the sole determinant of faction within the CCP. For individual leaders the relationship between ideology or policy, faction and career has been far from clear.

Policy changes may result from leadership changes but factions are rarely solely policy-based. Indeed, members of a faction may not even share the same ideological perspectives or policy preferences.

Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution: A Political Biography

An illustrative example of the obvious confusion lies in the contrasting fates of Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun during the Cultural Revolution. Deng often did not agree with Mao, but was almost always prepared to give him support once a decision was taken despite any misgivings, and at times spoke enthusiastically. Moreover, his loyalty to Mao personally was near unshakeable. The careers of individual leaders would seem to be determined more by loyalty ties than by their political ideas.

CCP politics are inherently personalist. Politicized at the age of 16 he came into contact with some of the very earliest leaders of the CCP. Thereafter, through his involvement in different aspects of party affairs in different locations, he formed relationships which provided a wide network of support well into his retirement. As a result, Deng, unlike some other leaders, could always find alternatives if one source of support failed him, particularly if and when he was involved in controversy of any kind. He had been old enough to be incorporated as a junior member of the leadership, and young enough to have had a longer and more varied active life in the CCP than most of the survivors of the revolutionary generation.

Deng does not appear to have been overly ambitious in the way that Mao and Zhou both clearly were. None the less, he was an extremely able politician, as well as a superb political organizer, and he grasped every opportunity with both hands.


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None the less, he has been no stranger to controversy, within the leadership and more widely. He has been disciplined several times—his formal demotions in , and are well known—as well as under criticism himself, or involved in the criticism of others, and there are episodes in his career that consequently remain somewhat obscured. It is certainly not designed to provide any judgement—final or otherwise—on these matters; resolution is clearly very difficult whilst they remain sensitive issues for contemporary politics.

Much of this section and indeed of the whole biography has to be based on conjecture and informed supposition. The intent is to highlight the more obviously debatable aspects of his career, both to indicate the lack of certainty that may occur later in the biography and to understand their wider implications. To say the least, the venture was not successful and, by the time Deng returned to Shanghai and the CCP Central Committee, the rebellion had collapsed completely with the communist forces in retreat to Jiangxi.

Controversy then and later centres around whether he returned to Shanghai of his own volition or on direction. Zhou had recruited Deng Xiaoping to work on the Socialist Youth League journal Red Light in , and the two appear to have had a close personal as well as professional relationship. Within a short time he found himself as party secretary for three counties on the borders of the Soviet Area where CCP rule was not secure, one of which— Xunwu—had been an area investigated by Mao Zedong in developing his ideas about peasant mobilization.

However, in addition to the burgeoning relationship with Mao, Deng was also able to rely on others whom he had befriended during his earlier years in party activities. One in particular was Wang Jiaxiang, whom Deng had first met when both were students in Moscow. The revisions of history in and after the Cultural Revolution provide filters whose influence is probably unknowable for some time to come.

In the s Deng defended the need for a rectification campaign, but freely admitted it went too far at the time, and his final report is not included in the authorized collection of his writings. However, it is clear that by he was advocating prescriptions for the future that negated the policies and results of the Cultural Revolution, and that he was not alone in that endeavour. Removed from all operational responsibility in January , the Tiananmen Incident of April provided the excuse for his formal dismisal.

Support for Deng was immediately forthcoming, and he was taken under the wing of the veteran army Marshal, Ye Jianying, and into protective custody by the Guangzhou Military Region, whose commander was Xu Shiyou, a former commander and colleague in the th Division of the Eighth Route Army. There were also those with whom relations were always poor or unreliable: as for example, Peng Dehuai, with whom Deng had an uneasy relationship after He left Sichuan in to work and study in France, and went on to Moscow before returning to China in and mainstream CCP activities until the outbreak of war with Japan in Two of the friendships and associations he made during those years were to prove particularly important, not only at the time but later as his career developed.

In France in the early s and back in China again, on several occasions during the late s and early s, he worked with Zhou Enlai; in the Jiangxi Soviet during the early s he first became closely associated with Mao Zedong. He was criticized for his handling of the 7th Red Army in , and in he was severely disciplined by the CCP and demoted. Later, in when he went as a political organizer to Guangxi Province, he once again changed his name, if only temporarily, to Deng Bin. Tradition played such a role in everyday life that even when Deng reached France he still preferred to render his birthdate according to the Chinese agricultural calendar as 12 July that is the 12th day of the 7th month when he registered as an alien in Marseilles, rather than according to the Western Gregorian calendar.

Chongqing, the last major city upstream from Shanghai on the Yangtze and some 2, kilometres from the sea, has historically been a large metropolis. However, its hinterland, unlike other parts of Sichuan province such as further west around Chengdu, has not been notably wealthy. Certainly there is no particular evidence that links Deng Xiaoping with a Hakka background. He appears not, for example, to speak Hakka, and speaks Chinese with a pronounced Sichuanese accent. For example, the Sichuanese are often described in terms of their food which is noted for being hot and spicy.

The Sichuanese temperament is regarded as peppery—it has a short fuse and inflames quickly, but bears no grudge or malice when it cools down. Altogether he had four wives and seven children of his own who lived—four sons and three daughters. His second wife, Dan, had one girl and three boys. The third wife, Xiao, had a son who died soon after birth; and the fourth, Xia Bogen, had a daughter from an earlier marriage, and a son and two daughters.

Deng Xiaoping lost contact to some extent with his immediate family once he left home, though it seems that later when he could he tried to do his best by them. Interestingly, a number of his siblings, including his eldest sister, were still alive in As just Indicated, he attempted to look after his step-mother Xia Bogen during the Cultural Revolution and spent a large part of that time in nursing her.

In he became deputy mayor of Chongqing and later moved to a similar post in Wuhan. After he read law at university, and was appointed to positions first in Guizhou Province just south of Sichuan and then in Chongqing.

Under the pressure of criticism from Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution—presumably as much about his earlier career in the Nationalist Party as his relationship to Deng Xiaoping—he committed suicide in In at the age of 5, Deng Xiaoping started out on the traditional path to imperial service by being enrolled in a private preparatory school to be educated in the Confucian classics. However, with the collapse of the imperial system and the revolution which overthrew the Qing dynasty in there was little point in continuing. From there he moved to study first in Chongqing, and then in France.

They recognized the challenge to China posed by the Western imperial powers and Japan, and sought solutions to its problems. Though many of these problems had been caused during the nineteenth century by colonial incursions into Chinese territory, none the less there was a kind of love-hate relationship with the West and several Chinese reformers looked to the promotion of Western ideas and systems of education as a means of modernizing China and making it strong again. One of these was Li Youying, who had himself been educated in Montargis just south of Paris.

In , with the active co-operation of the Mayor of Montargis and several other French notables, as well as Cai Yuanpei, Li established the Chinese Association for French Education to send Chinese students to France. By many Chinese had gone abroad to study, and, though the original intention of educationists such as Li might have been that their parents should pay for their education, this rapidly proved impractical. With the birth of modern Chinese nationalism in the May 4th Movement many young Chinese were attracted by the opportunity to travel and be patriotic at the same time.

Necessarily if Chinese students were to live in France they would have to learn French. In Wu Yuzhang, a member of the Chinese Revolutionary Party, opened a school in Chongqing to prepare Sichuanese students for France, and it Childhood, youth and travel, — 25 was here that Deng and his relative enrolled. They arrived on 13 December On the other hand, he did acquire Western tastes in some areas.

His love of soccer dates from this time, as well as of French food and especially croissants. Prince Sihanouk, the former Cambodian leader exiled in Beijing in the s and s, used to enjoy cooking French meals and would often send one round to Deng. Deng himself once confessed to Yang Shangkun that when he wanted to treat himself in Paris he would have a croissant with a glass of milk. Interestingly, it appears to have been Ho Chi Minh who instructed the young Deng on where to obtain the best of such delights. In , on his first trip outside China since the Cultural Revolution, Deng visited New York and was intent on buying some croissants until it was suggested to him that since he was returning to China via Paris he could do better there.

This he did, buying a hundred which returned to China with him, some to be duly supplied to Zhou Enlai and others who had also eaten croissants during their Paris days. France in the early s was in the middle of an economic crisis and work was hard to find. The Chinese rapidly found that their Chinese academic qualifications were not acceptable for entry to French institutions, and that their spoken French was really inadequate for study.

Most tended to drift to Paris and those large industrial plants that employed large numbers of foreign workers, such as the Renault plant in Billancourt a south-western suburb of Paris where Deng worked for most of the last three years of his time in France. There they lived together in close proximity, and many became involved in the nascent communist movement as much for social as political reasons. From Marseilles he travelled to Bayeux where he enrolled in a secondary school for three months.

Later in he worked at the Le Creusot Iron and Steel Plant and by early finally arrived in Montargis, which must have been one of his goals when he had left Chongqing. During the early s Montargis—still a pretty and genteel provincial town whose inhabitants then would have been mightily surprised if they had known what was going on—played host to a series of Chinese radical worker-students. Chinese came not only from Sichuan but from other provinces too, including a significant number from Changsha in Hunan.

Mao stayed in China but Cai and many others went abroad. On this occasion Deng stayed in Montargis for the best part of seven months. However, towards the end of he moved on again, this time to Chatillon-surSeine where he attended secondary school. His work record card notes not only that he was assigned to work in the boot and shoemaking workshop, but also that after March he was not to be re-employed.

Deng stayed in Montargis until June , when he returned to south-west Paris and work as a fitter in the Renault factory in Billancourt, where he stayed until he left France in January Deng himself, according to his daughter, appears to date his membership of the CCP from 15 July On that day he was elected one of the five-man leadership group of the European Branch of the Socialist Youth League, which according to party rules entailed the responsibilities of a member of the European Branch of the CCP.

In fact the documents and newsletters were simply reproduced, most often through hand-cut stencils and hand-rolled duplication. However, he was soon to become one of the more senior members of the CCP in France, though still only 21 years old himself. French public opinion was horrified and the action led to the deportation of some fifty CCP members and the voluntary return to China of about fifty more.

Deng found himself elected as one of the new leaders of the party branch and as such came under close police scrutiny. During the second half of , Deng spoke on several occasions at meetings in the Paris area to promote the CCP cause or to discuss the current situation in China. One of these ended in a near-riot as opinions amongst the Chinese worker-students were highly polarized into pro- and anti-communist groups.

It is reported that as the chairs flew across the room, Deng watched quietly from the platform. However, Deng and his companions had left for Moscow the day before. The latter had been founded in late —at a time of maximum co-operation between the CCP and the Nationalists—in order to train personnel for the revolution in China, largely with funds donated by wealthy Nationalist Party members.

It was an interesting time in the history of the CCP. Amongst his classmates at Sun Yat-sen University were three of more than passing significance. A third classmate was Feng Funeng, eldest daughter of Feng Yuxiang. Feng Yuxiang was not a typical warlord: he was a Christian who maintained a highly disciplined army.

Despite his fundamental anti-communism Feng was temporarily prepared to accept Soviet aid. Feng returned to China and was followed by about a hundred Comintern advisers, including several Chinese, one of whom was Deng Xiaoping. However, it was April and any such plans had to be rapidly dropped. The growing conflict between the CCP and the Nationalist Party came out into the open and Feng Yuxiang sided openly in this conflict with Chiang Kaishek, rounding on his communist officers and executing those of them who had not taken evasive action.

Deng changed his name to Deng Xiaoping and went south to Wuhan, on the Yangtze, where he once again joined up with Zhou Enlai. It was a natural place for the CCP to establish its central secretariat for it seemed to offer some political protection. Unfortunately, this calculation also went awry in July and August of when, largely as a result of Comintern interference, even the left wing of the Nationalist Party turned on the CCP, forcing it underground.

The CCP Central Committee held an emergency meeting in Wuhan, which as a secretary but not as a member with speaking or voting rights Deng attended. In Shanghai, Deng, who was still only 23, was appointed chief secretary of the Central Committee. It was a testing time for the CCP. In Shanghai and other urban areas CCP activities were almost totally underground. In and the CCP was engaged in a series of military insurrections, the most famous of which occurred at Nanchang in August , all of which were unsuccessful and expensive in terms of human life and organizational strength.

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To cap it all the CCP itself was bitterly divided and was to remain that way for some time, as different tendencies within the party all struggled for control. However, the labour organizer Li Weihan, whom Deng had probably encountered in Montargis, stayed behind to manage CCP routine during the congress, and Deng assisted him. On a personal note, in the Spring of Deng married for the first time. They had met in Moscow and married in Shanghai. Unfortunately, it was to be but a short-lived marriage.

She died in January , after a complicated pregnancy. The peasantry were to be mobilized under CCP leadership, rural Soviets were to be established and peasant uprisings were to be linked to urban insurrections. In line with these policies Deng Xiaoping was sent to Guangxi Province, in South-west China, in April to assist a minor warlord, Li Mingrui, who had communist sympathies, and Wei Baqun who had launched a peasant rebellion in the early s.

Here, the historical record is in conflict. He advised Deng how to travel, to disguise himself as a businessman, and what other precautions to take en route. Under the nomme de guerre of Deng Bin, Deng Xiaoping set off, first by boat to Hong Kong, then with the aid of the Indo-Chinese underground communist movement by boat again to Haiphong in present-day Vietnam, then overland, reentering China through the south-west; a long way round, but at the time probably the safest way politically, and also the quickest.

CCP support came from two different directions, a peasant movement and local army officers. Guangxi is an area only half of whose population is ethnically Chinese. Conflict was endemic between these remnant Zhuang and the rest of Guangxi, and in the early s the collapse of government led to the emergence of a self-protection Zhuang Peasant Movement based at Donglan to the north of the Right River under the leadership of Wei Baqun. This time the Zhuang Peasant Movement was more successful, forcing the provincial Nationalist Party authorities by to recognize its control of Donglan county.

The leading Nationalist who dealt with Wei was also a member of the CCP, and he took the opportunity to recruit Wei and other peasant leaders. Its leader Li Zongren was not only anti-communist but also not well-disposed towards Chiang Kai-shek. None the less, many of its officers were left-inclined or members of the CCP. This was the situation Deng Xiaoping encountered in Nanning, the capital of Guangxi, when he arrived in Li and Yu were rapidly defeated, and Li retreated to Bose. Bose is in the heart of one of the poorest areas of China. In the s it remains economically backward and is one of only six counties in the whole country which receives special central assistance for that reason.

This revenue was used to pay members of the newly constituted 7th Red Army, and undoubtedly helps explain its rapid growth within a very short time to about 7, men. The local people and the new soldiers of the Red Army were to be politicized; the army was to be expanded and improved in quality as well as quantity; the peasantry was to be armed under CCP leadership; landlords were to have their property confiscated; and land reform was to be introduced. Quite quickly, the soviet spread to cover some twenty counties with a population of a million people.

Emboldened by success, the rebellion spread to Longzhou on the Left River and in February a second soviet and the 8th Red Army were established. However, this enterprise was always much smaller, less well organized and lacking in local support. The French Consulate and the Catholic mission were both attacked because it was claimed that they were protecting rich landlords and merchants. Within two months the Longzhou Uprising was crushed by the Nationalist Army and the remnants of the 8th Red Army made their way to Bose.

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However, even in Bose success proved to be much more illusory than at first had seemed to be the case. The Right River Soviet faced two major problems: it had failed to disarm its opponents and the local militias; and it had failed to politicize adequately. In particular, it had failed to recognize the importance of not being seen to behave as a warlord itself which was on the whole the local perception —not that the local Zhuang were likely to be as opposed to communist Chinese as they were to anti-communist Chinese.

As the Right River Soviet tried to expand it found that when the Red Army moved on the landlords were able to reassert their authority and the status quo ante with little difficulty. Deng had returned from Shanghai in February but appears to have concentrated on rural reform in Donglan, part of the Right River Soviet. By August the military situation had deteriorated, but worse was to come.

Unsurprisingly, there was a clash between the native Zhuangs under Wei Baqun, who wanted to disobey CCP orders and stay, and those like Deng, who though they must have found the orders impractical in the extreme none the less felt duty-bound to obey. The soviet was attacked and collapsed almost immediately. Losses required that the army be reorganized and their goals reassessed. They decided instead to head for southern Jiangxi and the rural soviet established by Mao. It was a long and tortuous journey which took the 7th Red Army into northern Guangdong, back to Guangxi where Deng and Zhang became separated, and on to Jiangxi via Guangdong and Hunan, all the while harried by Nationalist armies.

It had been a terrible precursor of the Long March that was to come. By the time the 7th Red Army reached Jiangxi it had been reduced to fewer than 4, men. Before this, however, as discussed in the previous chapter, Deng Xiaoping had left his troops and travelled separately to Shanghai.

Various accounts have tried to suggest that Deng abandoned his command perfunctorily or acted improperly in some way. In whatever manner his report on the Guangxi Uprisings was accepted, criticism was not too great, for he soon found himself delegated to make an inspection tour of the CCP organization in Anhui for the Central Committee during May and June. Although the new leadership was reluctant to acknowledge that Mao was pursuing a more sensible, if gradual, revolutionary path in Jiangxi, they none the less recognized that Jiangxi was now the centre of CCP activities, and in the first half of resolved to move party headquarters there.

In the middle of Deng Xiaoping was transferred to Jiangxi, and it was here that he first came into close contact with Mao Zedong, through his appointment first as party secretary of Ruijin county, and then later of the border area of Huichang, responsible for Huichang, Anyuan and Xunwu counties. Mao developed this strategy through a series of rural surveys, one of which was based in Xunwu. However, Deng with his practical outlook cannot have failed to be impressed by the contrast between southern Jiangxi and the events in the Right River Soviet.

Certainly, later—when Deng was responsible for the Taihang region during the Sino-Japanese War and in the mids—the lessons of politicization, production and guerrilla warfare were repeatedly emphasized. When Deng first arrived in Ruijin, he found many party members awaiting execution. A mutiny had broken out against Mao amongst an 34 Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution army group loyal to Li Lisan in southern Jiangxi at the end of Mao acted ruthlessly in putting it down and executed several thousand party members, who were castigated as belonging to a Nationalist Party secret organization designed to undermine the CCP.

One consequence was a witch-hunt in which many other loyal CCP members uninvolved in any way in the dispute with Mao and certainly not engaged in anti-CCP activities came under suspicion. Deng acted promptly to end the hysteria: all cases were examined according to party rules, and those unfairly accused released. As more personnel were transferred into the Jiangxi Soviet Deng was moved aside for senior cadres. He moved first, as already noted, to Huichang county and was given the responsibility for the three adjacent counties of Huichang, Xunwu and Anyuan, though only the first of these was genuinely under CCP control.

He became director of the Propaganda Department of the Jiangxi CCP committee during the year, but this too was to be a short-lived appointment. However, this time the reason was political disgrace. As the latter moved into Jiangxi they tried to oust Mao and his followers from positions of authority and to minimize his influence politically. They opposed his views on guerrilla warfare, argued that the local armed forces should be disbanded and that a single powerful united Red Army should be created, and were dogmatic that land reform should dispossess former rich and middle peasants as well as landlords.

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